Krugman’s misleading trivialization of the capital controversy

24 Apr, 2014 at 17:56 | Posted in Economics | 16 Comments

Paul Krugman today comments on some “leftist” critiques of Piketty:

(T)hey’re disappointed that Piketty’s book relies mainly on conventional, mainstream economics.

And it’s mostly true. For the most part Piketty works with an “aggregate production function” in which labor works with a stock of capital to produce output, and both labor and capital are paid their marginal product …

capital-gainsThere are a few economists on the left who seem to believe that:

1. You need to believe in the existence of a perfectly well-defined aggregate measure of capital to believe in the marginal productivity theory of income distribution;
2. If you believe in, or even use, marginal productivity theory, you are conceding that capitalists deserve their income.

Neither of these things are true. Nothing about marginal productivity theory depends on the exact truth of a simple aggregate production function with capital defined by a single number. And saying that capital gets its marginal product in no way says that the people who own that capital deserve what they get.

On the inequality issue, Krugman is absolutely right. It would be preposterous to allege that mainstream economics couldn’t explain it or consider it bad. And I doubt if any serious “leftist” economist really maintains such a view.

But — as so often — Krugman trivializes the more theoretical point. In this case it’s the concept of capital and the Cambridge controversy over it. As every mainstream textbook on growth theory and most neoclassical economists, Krugman just chooses to turn a blind eye to it and pretend it’s much fuss about nothing. But Krugman et consortes are wrong!

The production function has been a powerful instrument of miseducation. The student of economic theory is taught to write Q = f(L, K) where L is a quantity of labor, K a quantity of capital and Q a rate of output of commodities. He is instructed to assume all workers alike, and to measure L in man-hours of labor; he is told something about the index-number problem in choosing a unit of output; and then he is hurried on to the next question, in the hope that he will forget to ask in what units K is measured. Before he ever does ask, he has become a professor, and so sloppy habits of thought are handed on from one generation to the next.

Joan Robinson

And as Edwin Burmeister admitted already fifteen years ago:

It is important, for the record, to recognize that key participants in the debate openly admitted their mistakes. Samuelson’s seventh edition of Economics was purged of errors. Levhari and Samuelson published a paper which began, ‘We wish to make it clear for the record that the nonreswitching theorem associated with us is definitely false’ … Leland Yeager and I jointly published a note acknowledging his earlier error and attempting to resolve the conflict between our theoretical perspectives … However, the damage had been done, and Cambridge, UK, ‘declared victory’: Levhari was wrong, Samuelson was wrong, Solow was wrong, MIT was wrong and therefore neoclassical economics was wrong. As a result there are some groups of economists who have abandoned neoclassical economics for their own refinements of classical economics. In the United States, on the other hand, mainstream economics goes on as if the controversy had never occurred. Macroeconomics textbooks discuss ‘capital’ as if it were a well-defined concept — which it is not, except in a very special one-capital-good world (or under other unrealistically restrictive conditions). The problems of heterogeneous capital goods have also been ignored in the ‘rational expectations revolution’ and in virtually all econometric work.

Edwin Burmeister

16 Comments

  1. Well the results really shouldn’t be affected too much if you use a dynamic Cobb-Douglass function (or rather its logarithmic derivative) or if you start from an accounting identity and basically get the same result. Of course following a rather famous medieval razor, you’d probably have to opt for the simpler of the two options and the one which doesn’t claim that the distribution of income in any way depends on productivity of ‘production factors’, especially if one of them can’t even be properly defined. But maybe dr. Piketty, by all accounts a brilliant economist, intentionally used the more conventional and mainstream approach because he understood the mentality of mainstream economists (for the general reader it really doesn’t matter if Piketty used a neoclassical production function or not) that he was pandering too. Keynes’ Treatise on Money had a different outlook on the workings of a monetary economy than his General Theory and I doubt that Keynes had changed his mind about the nature of the banking system. It is safer to assume that he wanted to get across the main thrust of his work to as many people as possible and opted to leave out monetary endogeneity for practical purposes. While that may be “poor science” it seems to me that Keynes was aware that as an economist one isn’t only (or maybe/probably/most likely not at all) a scientist. My main problem with the book is the fact that taxation is inherently an ex-post solution, whereas getting the profit rate down is ex-ante and should be more effective. The best critique I’ve read so far was from dr. Galbraith concerning this exact same point.

    • Krugman is right, it doesn’t matter. What matters is good work empirical work done with more or less precise theoretical models … and Piketty’s new book excels in that.

      So a left-wing neoclassical economist (who, like Krugman, is anything but a dogmatic defender of neoclassical principles but a flexible, pragmatic economist) writes a great book while some heterodox folks are obsessed with minor methodological and theoretical issues. They are thus equivalent to the dogmatic neoclassicals, obsessed with methodological rigour at the cost of ignoring empirics and the issues at hand.

      Of course Krugman is not the most brilliant theoretician but he is the most important public advocate of deficit spending. Same with Piketty, his book can very well create more public focus on income and wealth inequality than any other publication in the last decade.

      In practical terms we, pragmatic neoclassical Keynesians, and you, dogmatic heterodox economists, are on the same page. But one faction actually fight for the good while the other is engaged in a pissing contest that has no practical relevance whatsoever.

  2. That from Joan Robinson is mean, very mean, to Ferguson’s book.
    If you do macro, you must have macroterms: capital, labour, income.
    Uk Cambridge spoiled their keynesian heritage on Cambridge controversies – where are UK-Cambridge growth studies. (Kaldor’s stylized facts?)Has anybody ever showed that reswitching does have ever any empirical relvance? How about theoretical relevance?

    • Of course — it is mean. But also true! “You must have” … reminds me a little of an experience I had twenty years ago, when Phil Mirowski was invited to give a speech on themes from his book More Heat than Light at my economics department in Lund, Sweden. All the neoclassical professors were there. Their theories were totally mangled and no one — absolutely no one — had anything to say even remotely reminiscent of a defense. Being at a nonplus, one of them, in total desperation, finally asked “But what shall we do then?”

      Yes indeed, what shall they do? Moments like that you never forget. It has stayed with me for all these years. The emperor turned out to be naked — and turning a blind eye to deep theoretical problems don’t solve them, as I’m trying tell Krugman et consortes 🙂

    • Empirical evidence? You mean like the empirical evidence gathered in favour of the production function by regressing identities to get high “fits”?

  3. The Cambridge controversies in capital theory showed some of the inconsistencies of the marginalist method, but a look at Sraffa’s unpublished manuscripts shows that he had a more fundamental critique of the whole marginalist method. The marginal method, as differential calculus in general, presupposes infinitesimal changes that take place while everything else remains constant. But in open systems like the social-economic realm, you typically don’t have infinitesimal changes while everything else remains constant, and so the problem is not limited to the aggregate production function, as Krugman seems to think.

    The Cambridge controversies showed also that the classical method was much more consistent than the marginalist approach, and a more appropriate framework to be combined with the Keynesian principle of effective demand, as Joan Robinson suggested when advocating a reconstruction of economic theory. But the classical method must be distinguished from what Marx and Sraffa called “vulgar” economy, which is the approach that Veblen and Keynes are really criticizing when they say they are criticizing what they call the “classical” approach

    In the classical approach, the central issue at stake is not the allocation of scarce resources, but rather the distribution of the surplus, constituted by rents, profits and interest. Part of the surplus is reinvested in productive activities, while another part is invested in luxury goods, as Quesnay noted long ago. The part which is reinvested in productive activities has a multiplier effect (which is higher when income equality is higher, as Keynes and Kalecki noted), while the part spent in luxury has no multiplier effect, and leads to the accumulation of wealth.

    So using a classical-Keynesian framework you can explain quite easily that “r” (the surplus) is higher than “g” (growth),as Piketty noted, because part of the surplus “r” is used in luxury “l” rather than in investment aimed at growth “g”, leading to the accumulation of wealth in a stock of luxuries. But all the mathematics you need to see this is basic arithmetic, the only mathematics that the classical authors used. Differential calculus may look more sophisticated, but is a less appropriate tool with fundamental problems identified by Sraffa.

    However, those developing the implications of the Cambridge controversies have been concerned with theory, while Piketty has been concerned with empirical data instead. But what you really need is to combine both. Once we understand that the central problem of economics is the distribution of the surplus rather than the allocation of scarce resources, we then have a proper framework to study inequality, and the data provided by Piketty.

    The emphasis on a (marginalist) scarcity approach, rather than on a (classical-Keynesian) surplus approach, also has political implications. If everyone is convinced that the central problem is scarcity rather than the surplus, then everyone tends to think that austerity is unavoidable (due to scarcity), since no one sees that the real issue is how to distribute the surplus “r” in a different way.

    • Very interesting comment 🙂

      • Many thanks. Sorry for the lenght, this has the lenght of an actual post, but it is difficult to say all this in a short comment. But I don’t have a blog so I guess I would put it as a comment in your most interesting blog. If you’re interested in a more detailed analysis of the topic, I have published a book last year on this using the material from the Sraffa Papers:

        The main points on surplus vs scarcity are summarised in the preface, which you can see for free in the “look inside” option.

        • Thanks. I’ll ask my secretary to order a copy!
          My first thesis (1991) was to a large degree focussing on the Ricardo-Neo-Ricardan-Marxian discussions, partly influenced by discussions I had had during the 80s with people like Garegnani and Bharadwaj during lovely weeks in Trieste. But, so, time to update!

          • Many thanks for your interest. If you had discussions with Garegnani and Bharadwaj, you were certainly talking to the people who best understood what I was trying to say above! I would also be very interested in reading what you have written on this in your 1991 thesis, if it is available.

        • This looks like a fascinating book. I really like the idea of merging Sraffa and Lawson-esque methodological criticism. I might try to get a review copy and do a review for ROKE once I’m finished my present review!

          • Many thanks, I truly hope you enjoy it. The methodological point made by Lars Syll in the next post after this one reminds me of Tony Lawson’s critique of the method of sucessive approximation in Economics and Reality, and I think it is another important critique of Krugman’s position (and of many others)

  4. It’s not your main point, but I’ve seen it twice here now, and it deserves a response, You quote Joan Robinson: “He is instructed to assume all workers alike, and to measure L in man-hours of labor”.

    Keynes, TGT Chapter 4: “This assumption of homogeneity in the supply of labour is not upset by the obvious fact of great differences in the specialised skill of individual workers and in their suitability for different occupations…”

    Smith, TWON Book 1 Chapter 6: “If the one species of labour should be more severe than the other, some allowance will naturally be made for this superior hardship; and the produce of one hour’s labour in the one way may frequently exchange for that of two hours labour in the other. Or if the one species of labour requires an uncommon degree of dexterity and ingenuity, the esteem which men have for such talents, will naturally give a value to their produce, superior to what would be due to the time employed about it…”

  5. In the CUNY video discussion of Piketty’s book, Durlauf comes back to this issue in his critique of the book. He is more elliptical about it than Galbraith, however.


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